Like a moment frozen in time, discarded piles of clothing, backpacks, food and other items found at transfer sites provide useful insight into smuggling activities. If the site has not been excessively disturbed, you can determine the number of individuals in each group; the ratio of male/female migrants; and the number of juveniles or children. You can distinguish between groups that have made long treks on foot from those that hiked relatively short distances (eight hours or less) from a drop-off point, where they had earlier been re-supplied with food and water. You can even infer the level of confidence — some might say “arrogance” — of the smuggling organizations by whether the transfer point has celebratory cases of empty beer bottles littering the scene. In this third segment we will examine a few of the observations I have made. I would caution you to not generalize my findings at these thirty-eight sites. Discard piles at other locations, such as at Antelope Peak, in the Table Top Wilderness south of Interstate 8, might have very different characteristics from those I have examined. I speak only about what I have seen.

Figure 1, Ski mask lying atop bare soil, indicating a winter arrival.

Site Usage Varies by Season

The majority of transfer sites south of Aguila appear to be used primarily in the fall, winter and spring seasons. No “fresh” discard piles or backpacks were found at any of the 26 sites in the July to October 2010 time frame. The most recent discards found at several sites were from the April-June 2010 period. It can be reasoned (but not conclusively) that illegal migrants passing through these sites depend upon smuggling routes that are more dangerous during the summer months, such as the Cabeza Prieta NWR and the Goldwater Air Force Range. With a return to cooler temperatures, activity at these sites will probably resume.

Unlike the Aguila clusters, activity at transfer sites south of Wickenburg can be characterized as year around; with the discovery of new discard piles and backpacks made throughout the summer. Why some of these sites remain active during the warmest part of the year is uncertain. In any case, the discard piles also contain winter clothing, including sleeping bags, and an uptick in activity there is also expected.

Apparent mix of male-female and children or juveniles

Based upon discarded items in the dump piles and the contents of backpacks, 22 of the total sites were exclusively used by males. The remaining 16 show evidence of use by both males and females. At the sites where women’s clothing and personal items are found, I estimate the mix to be no greater than 33% female, although the average is probably closer to 20%. [FOOTNOTE 1] This necessarily excludes the single known instance, where more than 40 women were victims of human trafficking. Based solely upon evidence on the ground, I cannot say whether trafficking is common or rare at the sites used for this study.

I found less than a half dozen backpacks containing juvenile or children’s clothing or other personal items, such as a little girl’s purse, small mittens or jackets. The time required to sift through multiple layers of discards in the dump piles is prohibitive, and children’s clothing could easily be missed. [FOOTNOTE 2] Nevertheless, I estimate the number of children and young juveniles to be a very small component at these sites. Migrants passing through these sites appear to be overwhelmingly adult or older juvenile males (15 years or older).

Personally identifiable information

Only one backpack provided information on the identity of an individual — Panki Pinchupa, from Ecuador. Several backpacks contained items that could be traced to Central or South American countries — particularly Guatemala. That does not prove country of origin, only that some number of illegal migrants are passing through Guatemala to reach Mexico.

Commonality of backpacks

If you visited several of these sites and merely looked at backpacks lying on the ground, you would quickly realize that the business of human smuggling is highly organized. [FOOTNOTE 3] Variation in type of backpacks is very limited, and is typified by what you see in Figure 2.

Figure 2, Sixteen identical backpacks in one dump site at SMG4. Dark objects are black, hooded pull-over jackets removed from three packs.

I estimate at least 85% of discarded packs are identical in style and manufacture to those shown above. These are cheap, poor quality day packs with one large compartment and one smaller zippered pocket on the outside. Although they have a deep black color when new, they quickly fade to a greenish color. It takes no more than two or three months for the sun to bleach the exposed side to a light gray, as seen above. When new, they look like the black backpack shown in Figure 3 (center-left).

Within a radius of 50 feet of Figure 2, there are two more discard piles — one containing nine backpacks and another with eleven. All are identical, and this scene is repeated at nearly every smuggling transfer site. These are not the type of packs you would purchase for a journey that frequently begins in Central America — their capacity is simply too small and their durability is very poor. How can there be such uniformity involving a common product when there are dozens of manufacturers from which to select?

The answer, I believe, is that the smuggling organizations either control or greatly influence the type of packs used for border crossings — at least in the clusters near Aguila and Wickenburg. Here are several likely reasons:

• These packs are always black and are difficult to spot at night. Maintaining that type of uniformity is beneficial.
• Their limited capacity makes it unlikely that a migrant will separate from the group and strike out on an independent course. If you have only enough water or food to survive one or two days, you are likely to remain with your guide — especially if you don’t know where the next re-supply point or water source is located.
• If the pack is to be used for only a few days before discarding, why invest in a more durable (and costly) product?
• Human smuggling organizations probably have a financial interest in the sale of these packs, as well as the food and water which they contain. By purchasing thousands of backpacks each year, they surely obtain volume discounts.
• Using backpacks with only two compartments makes it easy for the guides (Coyotes) to check through them before they are discarded at a transfer site.

Though much less common, the discovery of larger, multi- compartmented backpacks is always a matter of interest to me.

Figure 3 shows several of these packs, as well as one of the “standard issue” type discussed above. Because they have greater capacity and several small zippered compartments, they contain a wider variety of items and, frequently, reveal more information about what a migrant considers important. Non-standard packs may contain more clothing, medicines or personal hygiene items. The contents frequently (though not necessarily) indicate the owner was involved in long distance treks on foot. There is always the possibility with non-standard packs that a small compartment might still contain documents revealing the country of origin and route taken by its owner. Some packs have been found containing hand drawn maps of routes.

Figure 3, Lack of fading shows recent arrival.

The discards shown in Figure 3 reveal other useful information, as well. This group arrived at a site near Wickenburg during the summer, yet all of the packs contained lightweight jackets or long-sleeve fleece pull-over tops, similar to hooded sweat shirts. There was a wider variety in changes of clothing. Notice also the unopened bottle of electrolyte drink in the center of the photo. These packs also contained unopened food containers, indicating this group had been re-supplied within the previous day or two — well after crossing the border into Arizona. The short elapsed time and distance between the re-supply and pickup sites did not require consumption of the food items or drinks that were found in these packs. [FOOTNOTE 4]

Natural Signs

Winter and spring rains bring new growth to the desert each year. Wildflowers, common weeds and tall grasses burst from the ground, turning the desert floor green for a brief time. Low lying areas, especially near washes, may develop dense undergrowth. Illegal migrant groups who use these areas during the growing season leave an unmistakable imprint that confirms when they passed through a transfer point. See Figure 4.

Figure 4, Discards lay on top of flattened spring growth, indicating a late spring/early summer layup and transfer site used by a small group.

In this image, a small group discarded their travel clothing in tall grass beneath a mesquite tree. Each discarded article lies on top of bent grass. The group then settled in under the tree while awaiting pickup at the road’s edge, (about thirty feet to the right). For comparison, look again at Figure 1. The ski mask has been moved slightly up and left of its original position. You can see there is no plant growth under the mask. The person who discarded it was at that transfer site before spring growth began. The grass grew up around the mask, where there was sunlight.

Multiple Discard Piles

Whether large or small, nearly all transfer sites contain multiple dump piles of discarded clothing, backpacks, and other items. This observation might seem confusing, at least initially; but after studying the patterns at each site, the reason becomes more evident. For example, Figure 5 shows there are two dump piles at this transfer point. The common factor is that they are both located at a particular mile post sign near a wash on Wickenburg Road.

Figure 5, Transfer points may be used repeatedly over long periods.

The most ideal transfer points are not always located at or near a highway mile marker simply because the terrain may not be suitable, or the area is too exposed. Figure 6 illustrates a transfer site that is between mile markers and provides exceptional night-time concealment and rapid loading.

Figure 6, Discard piles at SMG18, in wash below road.

The roadway at this location passes over two adjacent washes and is protected from erosion by a vertical concrete and stone wall. Smuggling organizations use this site because small groups can wait at the base of the wall without fear of detection.

Unlike the site in Figure 5, where discards are widely scattered, each of the dump piles here are compact and well defined. This could mean the coyote guides maintain tighter discipline over their groups at this site. It is also possible these groups have not been as rushed. They may have had longer wait times for transportation. All of the packs at this location are identical to those shown in Figure 2.

Contents of Backpacks

Illegal migrants may spend six or more days traveling from the border to any of the sites described in this article, yet their backpacks are incapable of holding a week’s supply of food, clothing and other personal items. They surely do not carry 15 or more gallons of water. Instead, their survival depends upon a logistical system that ensures they are supplied with provisions along the way. The fact that many backpacks contain uneaten food and unopened bottles of Electrolit supports this observation.

Figure 7, The standard issue electrolyte beverage found at nearly all sites. Produced in Mexico by PiSA Pharmaceutica.

Here is a representative sampling of the “typical” contents found in a discarded pack:

• One pair of jeans
• One black or dark pullover jacket
• One T-shirt or long sleeve shirt
• One or two changes of underwear
• One pair socks
• One or two heavy duty black oversized garbage bags
• Toothbrush and small toothpaste
• One small bar of soap
• Disposable razor
• Deodorant
• Comb or brush
• One roll toilet tissue

Food items:

• One or more bottles of electrolyte beverage — usually unopened
• One loaf of Bimbo Blanco Super Pan bread — partially consumed
• One jar of marmalade — unopened or partially consumed
• One or more packages of Crackets or Saladitas saltine cracker packs
• One package Marias Gamesa cookies — unopened
• One or two cans of tuna — usually unopened
• One can of refried beans — usually unopened
• One or two pieces of fresh fruit

The discarded clothes are usually soiled articles from previous days of travel that have been exchanged for fresh clothes in the pack. The toiletries typically show use over the duration of the trip. The only appreciable amount of protein would come from the tuna and beans, but these cans usually remain unopened.

Regardless of a person’s physical condition, it seems unlikely that migrants could travel six or more days and arrive at these transfer points with food left over from the beginning of their trek. I believe the food items are provisions for the final day (or final few hours) of trekking on foot. This can only mean that two or more re-supply operations occurred before arriving at these sites. Moreover, the “sameness” of the food — across 38 smuggling sites — strongly indicates a common source of provisions — an assembly line of standard issue food meted out in prescribed quantities. In other words, the smuggling organizations have a logistical system that not only moves people, but it knows where they are, when they will require fresh provisions, and when they can pick them up for transport to more distant locations across the state or country.

Who’s winning?

The smuggling sites near Aguila and Wickenburg seem to represent an end to traveling primarily on foot and the beginning of motorized transportation over longer distances. Otherwise, the backpacks and trail clothing would not have been discarded. The location of these transfer sites almost certainly means that U.S. 60, SR 71, U.S. 93, and SR 89 are transportation corridors for groups who have transitioned to cars, vans or trucks. In that sense, you might think of these sites as the last best chance to apprehend human smugglers, traffickers and their cargo before they vanish into the vast Interstate highway system. Instead, the discard piles demonstrate the long term and continuing success of transnational smuggling organizations.

Figure 8, Thirty-one ski masks found in a single discard pile.

Are there more human smuggling sites near Wickenburg and Aguila? In a word — yes. I began finding layup sites and routes three years before beginning research for this article — sites that are not included here. Importantly, I believe more sites will be found as time permits.

There is a small cave near one of the largest smuggling sites. The view of the desert and mountains from this location would be spectacular, were it not for the nine transfer points visible from its entrance. The cave may serve as an observation point for smugglers; it holds the high ground and is well positioned to perform that role. Inside, you will find votive candles like the one shown in Figure 9. Judging from the volume of trash littering the desert floor below, and the chronic indifference of federal immigration authorities in this area, it would seem that the Patron Saint of Smugglers has been winning for a very long time.

Figure 9, Cave Votive Candle

Footnotes

1. Past removal of backpacks can skew this estimate, making it difficult to determine the number of migrants that have passed through a site over time.
2. Excessive disturbance of dump piles also produces the risk of tipping off a smuggling organization that their sites are being monitored. Analyzing the contents of backpacks provides better context and they can be examined at a location away from the smuggling site.
3. It is also highly profitable. The human smuggling market at the US- Mexico border is estimated to generate $6.6 Billion a year for smuggling organizations. Lise Olsen and Dudley Althaus, Houston Chronicle, “Lawmakers told border crime getting out of hand,” July 22, 2010.
4. Based upon items found in the discard piles at this site, smuggling groups were active in October and November, 2009; and the six months of March through August, 2010. There may have been activity during other months of 2010, but I cannot confirm it.

If you have ever unexpectedly come upon an illegal alien smuggling site, your first reaction was probably shock – it would take a few seconds for your brain to catch up with what you have seen. There would be black ski masks and dark jackets; oversized garbage bags with holes cut in them for makeshift ponchos; discarded backpacks; dirty clothing; food containers; water and other beverage containers; medicine bottles and human waste. Taken as a whole, these places register on the senses – at least initially – as a chaotic field of trash; but there can be a surprising degree of organization to what you find. If you want to make some sense of these sites, you must evaluate them in the context of their location, not just by the litter that is present.

Figure 1, Debris pile at “Smuggling Site 10″

Requirements of a Smuggling Corridor

Just as there are major and minor corridors of human and drug smuggling in Central America and Mexico, there are corridors extending from the Mexican border into the Southwestern U.S. No description of a corridor, in which dozens (or even hundreds) of routes exist, would be complete without satisfying the following criteria [FOOTNOTE 1]:

1. The corridors have wilderness and/or de facto wilderness safe havens where legal vehicular traffic (including law enforcement activity) is either severely restricted or banned.
2. They have east /west highway access north and south of the corridors. Examples include I-8, I-10 and US-60 as east/west highways.
3. They have rugged and complex north/south mountain and drainage orientation, which provide channels of movement.
4. They are almost entirely (or are heavily) dominated by federal land agency management. For example, Organ Pipe National Monument and the Cabeza Prieta NWR. Additionally, there are several less well- known BLM wilderness management areas, such as the Hummingbird Springs and Big Horn Mountain Wilderness, located south and west of Wickenburg. These minor wilderness areas comprise more than 250,000 uninhabited acres with restricted access.
5. The concentration of American private property is limited, as is the presence of resident American citizen habitation.
6. All corridors have high, strategically located points of observation.

I would add a seventh item to this description: The principal corridors in Southern Arizona contain numerous washes and old two-track trails that lead to or intersect access points on paved highways. If you are familiar with this region, you will know there are many historic abandoned mines and old prospects dating from the mid-1860s to the 1950s. Smugglers are very astute at acquiring knowledge of good routes, and some have probably been in use for decades. Overall, these seven criteria effectively define large segments of southern Arizona, including the areas around Wickenburg and Aguila.

Figure 2 illustrates four areas (highlighted in red) where I, and others, have found 38 smuggling sites. There are two clusters containing twenty-six sites in the area south of Aguila and two clusters containing twelve sites south of Wickenburg. [FOOTNOTE 2] Additional smuggling points are located in the area highlighted in yellow, but were not documented for this article. [FOOTNOTE 3]

Figure 2, Areas known to contain smuggling sites. Numbers in ovals denote the number of smuggling sites found in each cluster thus far.

Each of the thirty-eight sites satisfies the criteria described above. There are north/south roads that intersect major east/west transportation routes. The mountains and drainage areas (Hassayampa and Harquahala Plains) provide the required north/south foot routes with an abundance of old trails and washes that are concealed by desert vegetation. Moreover, the vast majority of the area is under federal land administration and is virtually unpopulated. Some of the paved north/south roads may see no more than one or two vehicles per hour during the day. That modest traffic rate drops precipitously after dark.

One important characteristic of these sites is their proximity to paved roads. Transfer sites are typically within a few feet of the highway’s edge, but concealed by vegetation and/or a decline of several feet below the roadway. Washes that intersect or parallel paved roads are ideal because the mesquite, acacia and Palo Verde trees can form extremely dense thickets. [FOOTNOTE 4]

The pile of discarded clothing above the wash in Figure 1 is part of a major smuggling transfer point and has been in use for at least four years. [FOOTNOTE 5] It is the terminus of an overland trek, a place where illegal migrants change out of their soiled clothing, dump their uneaten food, toiletries and backpacks. The discard pile is one of many at this site, and there are indications of extended loiter time while people wait for pick up. For example, there are several campfire pits and places where individuals have rested under trees.

Reaching a site like this requires cross-country hiking that may include treks through open country before reaching concealed areas. Figure 3 shows a web of foot trails that lead north from a drop-off site for a distance of several miles. These foot trails merge into a wash that leads to the transfer site shown in Figure 1. [FOOTNOTE 6]

Figure 3, Northbound smuggling trails south of Aguila. USGS Orthoimagery file.

The image in Figure 3 is five years old (2005). Aerial photos, dating from 1997, show that these trails did not then exist. Trail systems such as these take years of persistent use to acquire the level of wear seen above. This route has potentially been in use for ten years or more. They illustrate the essential linkage between drop-off and pick-up sites.

The Wickenburg Cluster – Disturbing Discoveries

Wickenburg area residents can take little comfort that only twelve sites have been documented. All 38 locations share the same physical characteristics, but the Aguila clusters appear to be seasonal. Some of the sites near Wickenburg, though, are active throughout the year. There are other disturbing differences, as well.

In October 2009, one of the Wickenburg sites was used for human trafficking of women. [FOOTNOTE 7] A local resident and friend discovered a jumbled pile of more than 40 freshly discarded backpacks that exclusively contained women’s clothing and other personal items. There were no indications these women had been given an opportunity to change into fresh clothes upon their arrival, since there were no discarded items in or near the pile of backpacks. There was, however, evidence of torn clothing and blood — signs that at least one woman had been raped.

Figure 4, Trafficking – 40 Women’s Backpacks found near Wickenburg. Photo courtesy of a local resident.

In April 2010, a neatly stacked pyramid of more than twenty backpacks — each containing fresh clothing, water and food – were discovered at one site. This indicates a resupply operation was in progress.

In another incident, occurring in August 2010, eight backpacks were discovered by a local resident. Two of the packs were found to contain loaded handguns, probably belonging to the “coyote” guides of six illegal migrants.

Based upon the types of usage, sites south of Wickenburg appear to be limited to human smuggling and trafficking. Illegal migrants arrive at these transfer points on foot using washes and old mining trails (now BLM managed trails) to await transportation to other unknown intermediate destinations – presumably to the north and west. There is only one known instance of a site being used for both transfer and resupply, but the removal of fresh backpacks by newly arrived groups at this and other sites makes it impossible to know how often this type of operation occurs. [FOOTNOTE 8]

Are there more smuggling sites near Wickenburg? Yes — it remains only to verify and document other reported sites and to continue the periodic search for new ones. More investigation of the southern cluster below Wickenburg is required for two reasons: First, it has not been thoroughly surveyed, and second, this may be a feeder route to the sites closer to Wickenburg.

Smuggling transfer points would serve no purpose if they did not advance the progress of illegal migrants to their destinations. If you look at these transfer sites as pick up points (not unlike bus stops), the transportation corridors become apparent, as depicted in Figure 5.

Figure 5, Clusters Viewed as Transportation Routes

When viewed at this scale, the map shows two nexus points. The point on the left is where Aguila Road and Eagle Eye Road merge south of Aguila. The point on the right is where Wickenburg Road splits at the beginning of Aguila and Vulture Mine Roads. The undocumented area (yellow) may begin near the Wickenburg nexus and probably terminates somewhere near the APS high voltage transmission lines where they cross U.S. 60; however, further surveys are required before this can be verified. One thing is certain – smuggling sites have been found in that area.

Drop-off points are notoriously difficult to locate at ground level, particularly if they occur on two-track roads that pass through dense thickets. Because the objective of a drop-off point is to get illegal migrants moving quickly away from the road, there is no loiter time and these locations contain little or no debris.

Looking at a Drug Site

Thankfully, none of the smuggling sites south of Aguila and Wickenburg has thus far shown evidence of drug smuggling; but that is little cause for celebration. Human and drug smugglers share the same routes and their transfer points have identical characteristics. Figure 6 illustrates a drug transfer site near Interstate 8, found in August 2010. The foreground shows improvised shoulder straps and olive drab shirts. At the center of the photo are large water containers. In the background are the empty Styrofoam cases used to haul the drugs. [FOOTNOTE 9]

Figure 6, Drug smuggling site near I-8. Photo provided by a concerned citizen.

This dumpsite is within 100 yards of a large culvert, allowing the transfer of drug loads to waiting vehicles from either side of the highway (for east or westbound transportation) without observation. While the general area contains a mix of both human and drug smuggling sites, the absence of clothes, backpacks and food at this scene indicates it is used exclusively for drugs. Smuggling groups like this one typically return to their point of origin, where they will meet and shepherd the next load brought across the border.

Looking for a Common Denominator

The map in Figure 2 illustrated four clusters of documented smuggling points and a fifth area where other sites have been found. Figure 5 translates these clusters into transportation corridors that use north- trending roads. Another important aspect of Figure 5 is the proximity of Interstate 10, which runs east-west.

Where (in Arizona) were these groups before they arrived at these locations? It is a reasonable question, but to say “they came up from the south” is an unacceptably vague answer. The map in Figure 7 provides some useful clues.

Figure 7, Most Likely Corridor

Before illegal migrants can reach points near Wickenburg and Aguila, they must cross two heavily traveled and patrolled Interstate highways (I- 8 and I-10). It is simply too risky to do this on foot. The tactical solution of smuggling organizations is to transport migrant groups from rally points south of the Interstates to drop-off sites a short distance to the north of each highway. Even a casual examination of aerial mapping sites reveals a maze of dirt roads and trails on both sides of these Interstates. The area west of Arizona State Route 85, which leads from the border town of Lukeville to Gila Bend, contains portions of the Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument, Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge and the Goldwater Air Force Range. Even though these are restricted and/or closed areas, smuggling trails abound. Smuggling layup sites and transfer points have been found in a 48 mile east-west section south of I-8, between Dateland and Gila Bend, as recently as September 2010.

The most active smuggling corridors throughout the summer have been east of State Route 85 (leading north to I-8). In the fall, as the cool season approaches, there is every reason to expect that activity at the Wickenburg and Aguila clusters will increase once again.

In the third segment of this article we will examine the backpacks and other discarded items found at these sites.

Footnotes

1. “The Arizona Smuggling Corridors, a Profile of Government in Disarray” by David B. Ham and Stephen L. Wilmeth, The Westerner, July 14, 2010. See the article at: http://thewesterner.blogspot.com/2010/07/arizona-smuggling-corridors.html
2. The distinction of two clusters south of Aguila is based upon an analysis of smuggling routes. The small upper cluster uses different routes than the second, larger cluster. The lower cluster below Wickenburg is still being researched and more findings are expected.
3. Documentation includes the recording of GPS coordinates; extensive photographic records; analysis of the contents of backpacks, as well as discarded items; identification of signaling methods; determination of use as a drug site; and area searches for footprints. Also studied are the types of clothing (masks and gloves denote cold season activity), expiration dates on bottles of electrolyte beverage, and whether items were discarded on top of spring growth, to list only a few.
4. Thirty-two of the 38 documented sites are within fifty feet of pavement. The remaining six are within 450 feet of pavement, with access via two-track trails leading from a highway. All but two of the sites are concealed from view by trees or a steep decline. Thirty-five of these smuggling sites are associated with the presence of a wash.
5. This site was first photographed on January 28, 2007 by hiking friends.
6. Drop-off sites typically begin at the edge of a road. Foot trails emanate from that point and lead to a layup, resupply or transfer site. A drop-off site is used for quick dismounting of illegal migrants onto a system of trails.
7. Human smuggling is defined as “the procurement, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit, of the illegal entry of a person into a State party of which the person is not a national or a permanent resident.” Human trafficking is “the ‘recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of threat or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraught, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose exploitation’. The main forms of exploitation are prostitution, forced labor, slavery, or the removal of organs.” From: “Illegal Immigration, Human Trafficking, and Organized Crime,” University of Helsinki and University of Notre Dame. By Raimo Väyrynen. November 2005.
8. At least 109 discarded backpacks have been removed from four of the seven smuggling sites in the northernmost cluster below Wickenburg — either for analysis of the contents or for donation to charitable groups.
9. The shirts were used as a covering for the containers. Burlap cloth is more commonly used. Styrofoam canisters are unusual and may have been used to protect the contents from weather conditions.

Photo 1, November 2009 photo of new bridge and south roundabout. The old north bridge is seen partially demolished. Photo courtesy of Flying M Air.

Wickenburg has seen several bridges come and go during the past 120 years or so. Unfortunately, the “going” part has occasionally meant they were carried away by floodwaters. February 22, 1890 was by far the most catastrophic event, when heavy rains and melting snowpack caused the upstream Walnut Grove dam to fail. One hundred twenty-eight people in Wickenburg and other points along the river died in that event. In Phoenix, the Salt River rose 17 feet in 15 hours from the same winter storm.

Wickenburg’s first concrete bridge was completed in 1914, but it did not survive long. Three days of intense rains in January, 1916 caused major flooding on the Hassayampa watershed. By the time the rains ended there wasn’t much left (see Photo 2).

Photo 2, Flood of 1916 destroyed the 1914 bridge. Archive photo.

For reasons that remain obscure, the bridge had still not been replaced after two years. In 1918, some enterprising Wickenburg residents constructed a cable suspension bridge across the river, providing much needed relief for foot traffic.

Photo 3, Cable foot-bridge built in 1918. Archive photo.

Wickenburg residents must have been a patient lot in those days, for the next bridge across the Hassayampa was not completed until 1926. It was designed specifically for motor vehicles, but remained in service for only ten years, until the north bridge replaced it.

While drilling shafts in the riverbed, construction crews discovered the remains of two, much older, bridges. One of them, built in the late 1800′s, was made of wood pilings and served as a telegraph bridge. The second, constructed with rock and mortar, dated to the early 1900′s. It was used for horse and carriage traffic, but was either destroyed in flooding or demolished and replaced by the 1914 bridge (shown in Photo 2).

On December 4th, 2009 the last support column for the old north bridge was pounded into rubble, bringing to a close the life of a bridge that served Wickenburg residents and countless travelers for seventy-three years. Demolition began at the west end the week before Thanksgiving and the jack hammer finally reached the east bank on December 3rd.

Photo 4, Demolition in progress.

As bridges go, it was not spectacular in any sense: It was not an architectural “statement”; but it did its job reliably, surviving even the flood of February, 2005, which caused major damage along Jack Burden Road.

Photo 5, The west end of pedestrian bridge, as seen from near the Wishing Well.

Thankfully, town officials and the Arizona Department of Transportation saw fit to retain the old south bridge for pedestrian traffic. Structural modifications (including raising the height) have been complete for several months now, but other landscaping touches remain unfinished. For example, boxed shade trees and a few benches would be attractive and encourage pedestrians to linger in the area.

One day, perhaps soon, this will be a place where community events will be enjoyed by residents and visitors alike. For now, at least, bring your own shade and folding chair.

You might reasonably think the problem is isolated to the border, where there are remote desert preserves, wilderness areas, the Tohono O’odham Indian Reservation and closed military ranges.

You might even imagine that being 146 miles north of the border serves as a sort of magical buffer for Wickenburg — insulating us, as it were, from these unpleasant realities. You would be wrong.

Figure 1, Human smuggling site near Wickenburg

Not only is that distance immaterial to smugglers, the terrain and road systems in our area are decidedly useful to their purposes.

The uncomfortable truth is that smuggling operations abound, even within a ten–minute drive from Wickenburg. Active sites exist south of town, west to Aguila, and further south toward Interstate 10. It is an area more than 1000 square miles in size, with washes, rugged mountain ranges and isolated trails that are ideally suited for concealment. This area is sparsely populated. Importantly, an understaffed Sheriff’s Office struggles to provide minimal coverage. Meanwhile, the Border Patrol pays no attention to it because these sites are beyond their operational area.

During the course of my research, I have documented thirty–eight sites in two distinct smuggling corridors whose locations range from less than eight to 30 miles from Wickenburg. Most of these sites are either “active” or “recent.” All of them show evidence of persistent, long–term use — in some cases, for more than four years. All of them show evidence of human smuggling activity and at least one site provided grim evidence of human trafficking. Weapons have been found at one site. It is possible, perhaps even likely, that drug smugglers use these sites as well; but I have found no direct evidence thus far.

This series begins with an examination of one individual whose path to Wickenburg led from Ecuador to Peru, then to Central America and Mexico, before he illegally crossed the border into Arizona in July 2010. His name is Panki Pinchupa.

Tracking Panki Pinchupa

Federal agencies and immigration organizations describe many reasons why foreign nationals seek to enter the United States illegally. Examples include grinding poverty and high unemployment in their country of origin; the presence of family members who have already entered the U.S.; the promise (or hope) of low–skilled jobs; escape from violence in their homeland; or the desire to avoid prosecution for criminal activity in their native country. [FOOTNOTE 1]

In assessing the calculus of personal risk, there is the realization that millions before them have succeeded. There is also the awareness that an initial failure to make it across the border from Mexico is usually nothing more than a temporary setback. After all, when the U.S. Border Patrol apprehends fewer than one in three illegal border crossers, the probability of success is decidedly in favor of the illegal alien. [FOOTNOTE 2] One or more of these factors probably influenced one such individual to leave his native Ecuador.

On June 14, 2010, Panki Pinchupa finalized his travel arrangements for what would be an arduous and high–risk trip, beginning the next day. He confirmed the following economy flight reservations:

June 15 @ 07:25 — TACA # 42 from Quito, Ecuador to Lima, Peru June 15 @ 10:30 — TACA # 40 Lima, Peru to San Salvador, El Salvador June 15 @ 19:20 — TACA #411 San Salvador to San Pedro Sula, Honduras

He also booked reservations for six nights at the Hotel Villa Nuria, on the outskirts of San Pedro Sula. Pinchupa’s travel arrangements concluded with a multi–segment return flight to Ecuador on June 21. While giving the look of legitimacy, Pinchupa’s elaborate reservations were a ruse, provided for him by the smuggling ring he had engaged. (See the map in Figure 2 to follow his route through Central America into Mexico.)

Figure 2, Pinchupa’s Route to Chiapas

The next morning he arrived at the Quito airport and was issued boarding passes for E–Ticket #133 3820522477. His most difficult connection would be from Lima to San Salvador (see point 3 on the map), since he would have only twenty–five minutes to deplane and get from the terminal out to the tarmac for TACA #40. From the moment he boarded his flight in Quito until he landed in San Pedro Sula at 8:10 pm, nearly fourteen hours would elapse; but there were still things to attend to after arriving in Honduras (point 4 on the map). First, he (or someone acting on his behalf) would cancel his reservation at the hotel, as well as his return flights to Ecuador. There was no purpose in incurring a $528 (U.S.) hotel bill when he would not be in Honduras for more than a few hours.

San Pedro Sula, a city of slightly more than one million residents, is in northern Honduras, about 37 miles inland from the Caribbean Sea. While it is considered the industrial center of the country, its attractiveness to human and drug smuggling organizations stems from its strategic location — it is approximately twenty–one miles from the border with Guatemala (see point 5 on the map). San Pedro Sula is also the murder capital of Honduras — a reputation it owes to drug gangs. [FOOTNOTE 3] The area northwest of the city is mountainous and forested, and it is relatively easy to bypass the official border crossing point at Corinto by using a network of old logging roads leading to Guatemala.

Pinchupa’s travel time from San Pedro Sula across the frontier is unknown, but the trip probably began soon after he landed. The most likely scenario is that he traveled with a group of other Central and South American migrants to a site near the Honduran border. From there his group would be guided across the frontier, on foot, to a rally point a short distance inside Guatemala. Then he probably resumed motorized travel to a holding point in or near Puerto Barrios, a port city about eighteen miles inside Guatemala (see point 6 on the map).

This much is certain: He was in Puerto Barrios on the 16th, where he purchased a bus ticket. It is doubtful whether he had any control over the selection of bus routes, since those important choices would be managed by the smuggling organization. If his route had taken him into the interior of northern Guatemala, it is likely that he would have entered Mexico on the eastern (Gulf of Mexico) side of the country, either in the state of Campeche or Tabasco. That route would have eventually taken him to a border crossing point somewhere in Texas. In that case, Pinchupa would have been under the influence, if not outright control, of the Los Zetas Drug Cartel. [FOOTNOTE 4]

Instead, he purchased a ticket that would take him 185 miles to Guatemala City that day (see point 7 on the map). For him, at least, this was fortunate; members of the Zetas Cartel murdered 72 migrants — all from Central and South America — at a ranch about 100 miles south of the Texas border on August 24, 2010. There were two survivors — one from Honduras and one from Ecuador.

As with San Pedro Sula and Puerto Barrios, Guatemala City is a major staging point for illegal immigration and drug smuggling to the U.S. [FOOTNOTE 5] To characterize the border between Guatemala and Mexico as “porous” is something of an understatement. Smugglers maintain at least thirty–one well–established “unofficial” crossing points and the principal points of entry are along the Suchiate River, which separates western Guatemala from the state of Chiapas, Mexico. [FOOTNOTE 6] Here, illegal migrants can wade across the 100–foot wide river or pay 50 cents to ride one of the many rafts operating within a few hundred feet of the border station (see point 8 on the map).

Figure 3, Migrants riding a train from Ciudad Hidalgo, Chiapas Mexico. [FOOTNOTE 7]

The western routes from Guatemala City to Chiapas are largely controlled by the Sinaloa Drug Cartel, as well as gangs such as MS–13 and Barrio–18 that battle for control of the human smuggling business. In spite of these obvious risks, illegal migrants are attracted to this region because it provides access to the Chiapas–Mayab railroad at Ciudad Hidalgo and Tapachula, both near the border with Guatemala.

The date of Pinchupa’s crossing from Guatemala into Mexico and his route to the Arizona–Mexico border is unknown; he kept no records of those events. If the Sinaloa Drug Cartel controlled his travel — even indirectly — his path would have taken him north from Chiapas through the western states of Mexico. His method of travel would have been a combination of trains and car or truck transport.

To be sure, the control of drug trafficking in some areas of Mexico is fiercely contested by rival cartels. We are gruesomely reminded of this in the news from border cities such as Tijuana, Nogales and Juarez, where drug related murders commonly reach double digits each day. Figure 4 illustrates the drug cartel’s main areas of influence in Mexico. The Sinaloa Cartel controls the area of Chiapas where Pinchupa mostly likely entered Mexico.

Figure 4, Mexican Cartels Areas of Influence. Map courtesy of Strafor.Org [FOOTNOTE 8]

Articles that deal with human smuggling routes frequently mention the area around Nogales, Mexico and the border towns of Sasabe, Sonoita and numerous small pueblos as principal staging points before crossing into Arizona. [FOOTNOTE 9]

If he traveled on foot after crossing the border, it would have taken his group at least six days to reach the smuggling transfer point south of Wickenburg. It is likely that he reached Wickenburg through a series of one or two day hikes to lay–up points, combined with several short distance rides. Smuggling organizations determine where — and when — it is safe to use vehicles in heavily patrolled areas.

Figure 5, Panki Pinchupa’s backpack south of Wickenburg. July 15, 2010.

In the eyes of a smuggling organization, Pinchupa probably committed an unpardonable sin — he had kept all of his travel documents in his backpack until discarding it near Vulture Mine Road. These documents ceased being of value to him the moment he crossed from Honduras into Guatemala, and would certainly have been a liability when he illegally entered the United States. Nevertheless, his flight and hotel reservations, boarding passes, bus ticket, a calling card and other documents were neatly folded and hidden in a small compartment of his backpack. See Figure 6.

Figure 6, Boarding passes and bus ticket.

Pinchupa’s pack was one of nine found on July 15, 2010 at a smuggling point I have named “VMR1.” One reason they stood out from the background litter is they appeared to be fresh. An examination of the contents of all nine packs (six male and three female adults) revealed much information about how they reached this site — although the contents said nothing about the route itself. The condition of perishable food items indicated the packs had been discarded during the first week of July, so my discovery was about one week later.

Pinchupa and his group must have arrived well before the transportation that had been arranged for them. Instead of hurriedly dumping their dirty travel clothes on the ground, as is common, they neatly folded and wrapped their bundles with the black plastic garbage bags they had used as ponchos to conceal their movement on trails at night. These bundles, along with any remaining unused clothing and food containers, were neatly placed inside their discarded packs.

Sometime during that warm summer night, a vehicle arrived to transfer Pinchupa and his eight travel companions to another location. It might have been to a drop house or to other vehicles that would transport them individually, or in small groups, to their destination cities. On that warm summer night, on empty streets and under the cover of darkness, they slipped quietly through Wickenburg. Panki Pinchupa had avoided or survived contact with vicious criminal gangs, violent and ruthless drug cartels, corrupt police and militaries in Honduras, Guatemala and Mexico.

Like the other uncounted illegal aliens who have passed through these 38 smuggling sites during the past few years, he had successfully evaded the U.S. Border Patrol and Arizona law enforcement agencies.

In Part 2 we will examine human smuggling sites and the routes used by illegal migrants to reach areas near Wickenburg and Aguila.

Footnotes

1. In fiscal year (FY) 2010, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) removed more than 392,000 illegal aliens — half of them, more than 195,000 — were convicted of crimes, including murder, sex offenses and drug violations. Reported October 6, 2010, Immigration and Customs Enforcement. www.ice.gov/pi/nr/1010/101006washingtondc2.htm
2. Estimates of Border Patrol apprehension rates in Congressional testimony and elsewhere have ranged from a high of one in three to a low of one in seven illegal border crossers. See the article at http://www.thesocialcontract.com/pdf/sixteen–one/xvi–1–54.pdf. Border Patrol agents privately estimate the current apprehension rate to be approximately 25%.
3. Honduras has a murder rate of 67 per 100,000 (2009) and is second only to El Salvador, with 71 per 100,000. With a rate of 52 murders per 100,000, Guatemala ranks fourth. In spite of the extreme violence, Mexico ranks #14 with a murder rate of 14 per 100,000. See www.wikipedia.com. See also “Mexican drug cartels bring violence with them in move to Central America”, 2010/07/26 in the Washington Post.
4. The Zetas reportedly kidnap thousands of Central American migrants each year for ransom in Tabasco and Veracruz states. See http://www.southnotes.org/2009/06/22/thousands–of–migrants– kidnapped–in–southern–mexico/
5. The U.S. Embassy estimates that between 300 and 400 tons of cocaine passes through Guatemala each year. It has also become a producer of heroin; most of which is destined for the United States.
6. “Due to the instability and 700–km shared border with Guatemala, Chiapas State has become a major entry point for these people to enter into Mexico. It is now estimated 95% of illegal aliens entering into Mexico do so through one of the unofficial 31 border crossings in Chiapas.” Mark Wuebbels, George Mason University Terrorism, Transnational Crime and Corruption Center.
7. Photo from “A Line in the Sand: Confronting the Threat at the Southwest Border.” House Committee on Homeland Security — Interim Report (2007) http://www.davickservices.com/Line_In_Sand0.htm.
8. This map and a related article were republished with permission of STRATFOR, and can be read in their entirety at http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20100514_mexican_drug_cartels_update
9. Twenty–one people were killed and six wounded in a confrontation between rival gangs near Altar, Sonora. The territory is disputed between the Sinaloa and Beltran Leyva cartels. See
   www.azcentral.com/news/articles/2010/07/06/20100706nogales-mexico-drug-cartelkillings.html.

A few months before, I’d seen him or another roadrunner leap into the air, catch a sparrow, and do the same killing routine.

Roadrunner with captured lizard. (Wikipedia public domain image.)

The roadrunner,a member of the cuckoo family, is also known by these names: Ground cuckoo, chaparral cock, snake killer, lizard bird, churca, paisano, correcamio, and cock of the desert.There are two species in this family, scientifically classified as “Cuculidae”, found in our southwest habitats. The Lesser Roadrunner, Geococcyx velox, lives in Mexico and Central America. The Greater Roadrunner, Geococcyx californianus, is the familiar bird seen around Wickenburg and in arid lowlands and dry open country with scattered brush and chaparrel. The Greater Roadrunner is the state bird of New Mexico, adopted in March 1949 under the name “Chaparral Bird.” This somewhat large bird ranges in length from 18 inches to 24 inches tail to beak, weighs 8 to 24 ounces, and stands 10 to 12 inches high on sturdy legs.

Roadrunners seem to adapt to living among people and are also common near campgrounds and other areas, where they learn to beg for food.

We have several semi-tame roadrunners in our neighborhood in Lake Havasu City who will approach people and make sounds to get attention. Roadrunners have several distinct calls: a clattering sound made by rolling their mandibles together, and a series of 6 to 8 dovelike coos droppping in pitch. One morning I was using the computer in our library near the dining room and had the back patio door open.I heard the distinct rattling sound and found a roadrunner standing by the table looking for me! When it saw me, it turned around and marched back out the opening, wanting me to follow it!

The primary food of roadrunners is: insects, scorpions, lizards, snakes, rodents, and other birds. Ten percent of its winter diet may be plant material, such as prickly pear cactus, due to the scarcity of desert animals then. They can leap up into the air to catch insects or hummingbirds. The roadrunner is one of the few animals that preys upon rattlesnakes. Using its wings like a matador’s cape, it snaps up a coiled rattlesnake by the tail, cracks it like a whip and repeatedly slams its head agains the ground until it’s dead.This may take as long as an hour and a half! Then, it swallows its prey whole, and will continue to walk around with the snake dangling from its beak as it slowly digests the body. It obtains protein from the poison of the snake without harm.

Roadrunner photographed in Death Valley National Park. (Wikipedia public domain image.)

An old book, “Birds of America”, edited by T. Gilbert Pearson, 1936, Garden City Publishing Co. NY, features color plates of original paintings by Louis Adassiz Fuertes, and little personal vignettes. William Finley finally observed one,after days of searching, near Tucson. He wrote: “I have occasionally seen an old Road-runner that takes delight in out-distancing a team of horses, but sometimes a Road-runner is not accustomed to our modern method of traveling.” He went on to describe a race with an automobile down Oracle Road, where the roadrunner ran ahead and then when the driver “turned on a little more gasoline”, the bird “looked over his tail at the horseless carriage. It was gaining on him! As the machine bore down on the astonished bird, the feathered racer was scared.” Eventually the bird turned off the road and ran away at top speed! The cartoon character Wile E. Coyote races the roadrunner in many scenarios!In fact, the roadrunner (scientific name means “speedy”), can run 15 to 20 miles an hour.It has unusual “zygodactyl” feet, with two toes in front facing forward and two toes in back facing backward, making tracks that look like Xs. It can fly short distances and heights,to escape predators, but prefers sprinting to flying, as its wings are short and rounded.They can only remain airborne for a few seconds.The long tail is used for steering, braking, and balancing.

Our neighbor, fixing an air conditioner on his tile roof, was greatly startled to see and hear a roadrunner that had flown up at least 15 feet to his rooftop and was then walking up to him to beg for food or just to see what he was doing!

We have observed the distinct mating behavior of roadrunners (sexes are similar in appearance) in the spring. Both parents have brought fledglings to our bird water bowl. Accounts of mating behavior include five distinct phases. The male courts a female with food, often a lizard, mouse, or small bird. He kills his offering by pounding it against the ground first. He then brings it to the female, approaching from the rear. The female sometimes begs like a chick, fluttering her wings and uttering a buzzy, squeaking call. He raises his crest feathers and exposes colored areas of skin near his eyes. He wags his cocked tail side-to-side, making a rapid kuk-kuk-kuk-kuk sound. Then, he makes a deep bow and the tip of his tail touches the ground, with feathers partly spread. He mates, hopping, with flapping wings, up on to the prone female. Afterwords, he gives the food to the female! This is a very interesting ritual to view. Greater roadrunners may mate for life, a span of up to 7 or 8 years. They are able to breed when they are two to three years old.They are generally non-migratory and live in and defend their breeding area all year.

Roadrunner on patio table. Photo courtesy Barbara Thompson.

Eggs are laid in a saucer-shaped nest constructed mainly by the female under a bush, cactus, or small tree. Both parents bring small sticks, leaves, snakeskins,and even dung to line the nest. Usually 2 to 12 white eggs are laid over a period of days, resulting in “asynchronous hatching”. The eggs are incubated about 18 days. As a result there’s a range of sizes among siblings and differences in ability to compete for food that the parents bring to them. If there isn’t enough food, younger babies may starve and be fed to larger siblings, or be eaten by the parents. Usually 3 or 4 surviving fledglings remain near the adults for up to two more weeks before dispersing to the surrounding desert.In all, the parents feed them 30 to 40 days. Young fledglings develop quite rapidly and can run and catch their own prey at 3 weeks old. Elliott Coues, an early researcher observed: “Perfectly fresh eggs and newly hatched young may be found together, and by the time the last are breaking the shell, the others may be graded up to half the size of the adult.” In the Sonoran and Mohave Deserts of California, roadrunners typically nest only in the spring during a rainy season. In the Sonoran Desert of Arizona they may breed again in August or September after monsoom rains increase their food sources. Greater Roadrunners are known to show “brood parasitism”, laying eggs in nests of common ravens and the northern mockingbirds to be incubated and nurtured by these birds in lieu of their own chicks.

Roadrunners have some unusual physical characteristics that allow survival under the harsh desert conditions of the Southwest. During a cold desert night, they can lower body temperatures slightly, going into a slight torpor to conserve energy. To warm up during the day, they expose dark patches of skin on their back to the sun. To cope with excessive heat, they reduce their activity by about 50 percent. To conserve body fluids, there’s a salt-secreting nasal gland instead of an urinary tract like most birds. And they reabsorb water from feces before excretion!

Fossil bones discovered in caves in southern Arizona and New Mexico revealed ancestors of our modern roadrunners. Named Geococcyx californianus conklingi, after their discoverer in 1931, Howard Conkling, these early Holocene thru post-Pleeistocenee specimens were larger than our present roadrunners.

As you enjoy the antics of today’s roadrunners, keep in mind that the only predators of these fascinating birds are man (mainly shooting, hitting with vehicles, destroying habitat), and cats (domestic and wild), hawks, skunks, coyotes, and raccoons. Since they are non-migratory, they may succumb to icy weather in a particularly cold spell.

A great source of information on roadrunners is a book published by Wickenburg author, Martha Ann Maxon. In The Real Roadrunner, Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 2005, she discusses the basic features and behavioral patterns of this bird, using her own observations and other research. She’s also written articles for wickenburg-az. So, watch, maybe photograph, and appreciate this unique symbol of the Southwest!